THE AMERICAN
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
VOLUME VI NOVEMBER, I900 NUMBERS
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO.1
PREFACE.
The investigations of which this is a partial report were made
under the auspices of the Ethical Subcommittee of the Com-
mittee of Fifty. "This committee, made up of persons repre-
senting different communities, occupations, and opinions, is
engaged in the study of the liquor problem, in the hope of
securing a body of facts which may serve as a basis for intelli-
gent public and private action. It is the purpose of the com-
mittee to collect and collate impartially all accessible facts which
bear upon the problem, and it is its hope to secure for the
evidence thus accumulated a measure of confidence, on the
part of the community, which is not accorded to partisan state-
ments. "
The investigations here reported were carried on from the
Chicago Commons, a social settlement in the very heart of the
industrial district, in one of the river wards of Chicago. It is
probable that no better laboratory for the study of the social
problems of America exists than this same district. Here, as
from upturned strata, we can discover what have been the forces
that brought about the present conditions, and some of the
agencies now at work in the formation of the future.
1 Published by permission of the Committee of Fifty.
289
290 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
1 have sought to distinguish between those conclusions which
the facts in hand fully warrant, and those to which they seem to
point. Although, in the study of social questions, it is impos-
sible wholly to eradicate the personal equation, I have attempted
to do so as far as possible, by discussions with men of all classes,
of all shades of religious and political opinions. Professors,
ministers, business-men, settlement workers, police and sporting
men, have, each in their way, rendered me invaluable service.
In the homes and on the street corners, in the churches,
saloons, and at places of amusement, at all hours of the day and
night, and in all manner of clothes, I have gathered the facts
which form the basis of this report.
I am especially grateful to Professor Graham Taylor, of the
sociological department of the Chicago Theological Seminary,
warden of Chicago Commons, and pastor of one of the churches
of this district; and to Mr. John Palmer Gavit, editor of The
Commons, who have willingly given their time to direct and
discuss with me the details of the investigation. I would also
acknowledge the courtesy of Joseph Kipley, chief of police,
through whose order the special statistics in regard to the saloons
and billiard halls were collected by the police department.1
THE SALOON IN GENERAL.
In considering the subject " Ethical Substitutes for the
Saloon," it is essential that a careful study be made of the saloon
itself, and that we seek first to determine the real nature of the
institution in the abolition of which substitution may assist.
We must try to ascertain the secret of its hold upon our civiliza-
tion, tracing in the family, political and social life, and habits of
the people the roots of this mighty tree whose shadows are cast-
ing an ever-deepening gloom over all other institutions. Above
all we must try to lay aside for the present all preconceived ideas
of the saloon, lest prejudice should keep from us the truth. It
is only on the basis of precise observation of actual facts that
our study can advance.
The popular conception of the saloon as a " place where men
and women revel in drunkenness and shame," or "where the
x To be published in the full report of the Committee of Fifty.
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 291
sotted beasts gather nightly at the bar," is due to exaggerated pic-
tures, drawn by temperance lecturers and evangelists, intended
to excite the imagination with a view to arousing public sentiment.
I am not charging them with intended falsehood, but with placing
in combination things which never so exist in real life; with
blending into one picture hideous incidents taken here and there
from the lives of those whom the saloon has wrecked; with por-
traying vividly the dark side of saloon life and calling this
picture " the saloon." But it may be asked : " Are they not justi-
fied in doing so ? Are not these the legitimate products of the
saloon ? By their fruits ye shall know them.,, Let one step
into your orchard, and, gathering into a basket the small, worm-
eaten, and half-decayed windfalls return to you saying : " This is
the fruit grown in your orchard —as the fruit, so is the orchard."
The injustice is apparent.
The term "saloon" is too general to admit of concise defini-
tion. It is an institution grown up among the people, not only
in answer to their demand for its wares, but to their demand for
certain necessities and conveniences, which it supplies, either
alone or better than any other agency. It is a part of the neigh-
borhood, which must change with the neighborhood; it fulfills
in it the social functions which unfortunately have been left to it to
exercise. With keen insight into human nature and into the
wants of the people, it anticipates all other agencies in supply-
ing them, and thus claims its right to existence. In some
sections of the city it has the appearance of accomplishing more
for the laboring classes from business interests than we from
philanthropic motives. The almost complete absence of those
things with which the uninitiated are accustomed to associate
the drinking of liquor, and the presence of much that is in itself
beneficial, often turns them into advocates of the saloon as a
social necessity—an equally false position.
Hedged in on every side by law, opposed by every contrivance
the mind of man could invent, the saloon persists in existing and
flourishing—" it spreadeth like a green bay tree." The very fact
of its persistence ought to cause us to realize that we have not
yet struck at the root. The saloon in Chicago is restricted by
292 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
every kind of law, yet it sells liquor to minors, keeps open door
all night and Sundays, from January I to January I. True,
some of the down-town saloons close at 12 o'clock. But
why ? In obedience to the ordinance filed away in the archives
of the city hall ? Not so ; but in obedience to another law—
the law of demand. Those who in the daytime patronize the
down-town saloons have returned to their homes and have
joined the patrons of the saloons of their immediate neighbor-
hoods. This is the law — and almost the only law that they
will obey, and it is this law that we must face and deal with
unflinchingly.
THE SALOON IN WORKINGMEN'S DISTRICTS.
When the poor, underpaid, and unskilled laborer returns from
his day's work, go with him, if you will, into the room or rooms he
calls "home." Eat with him there, in the midst of those squalid
surroundings and to the music of crying children, a scanty, poorly
cooked meal served by an unkempt wife. Ask yourself if this is
just the place where he would want to spend his evenings, night
after night; if here he will find the mental stimulus as necessary
to his life as to your life. Is there no escape from the inevitable
despair that must come to him whose long hours of heavy physi-
cal labor preclude any mental enjoyment, if his few leisure
hours are to be spent in the wretched surroundings of a home,
or, worse yet, of the ordinary cheap lodging-house, either of
which must constantly remind him of his poverty ? Are there
not places in the neighborhood where the surroundings will be
more congenial; where his mental, yes, his moral, nature will
have a better chance for development ? Are there not some in
the neighborhood who have recognized and sought to satisfy the
social cravings of these men, which the home at best does not
wholly satisfy ?
Yes, business interests have occupied this field. With a shrewd
foresight, partially due to the fierce competition between the
great brewing companies, they have seen and met these needs.
The following table, made by a careful investigation of each of
the 163 saloons of the seventeenth ward — a fairly representative
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 293
ward of the working people—shows some of the attractions
offered by these saloons:
Number of saloons - - - * - - - -163
Number offering free lunches - - - - in
" " business lunches 24
" supplied with tables - - - - 147
" " " papers - - - - 139
" " " music - 8
" " " billiard tables 44
" stalls - 56
" " " dance halls 6
" allowing gambling - v - - - 3
In the statement, now current among those who have studied
the saloon " at first hand," that it is the workingman's club, lies
the secret of its hold upon the vast working and voting populace
of Chicago. That same instinct in man which leads those of the
more resourceful classes to form such clubs as the Union League
Club, or the Marquette Club; which leads the college man into
the fraternity, leads the laboring men into the clubs furnished
them by the saloonkeeper, not from philanthropic motives, but
because of shrewd business foresight. The term " club " applies ;
tor, though unorganized, each saloon has about the same constitu-
ency night after night. Its character is determined by the
character of the men who, having something in common, make
the saloon their rendezvous. Their common ground may be
their nationality, as the name " Italian Headquarters " implies ;
or it may be their occupation, as indicated by the names
" Mechanics' Exchange," "Milkman's Exchange," etc.; or, if
their political affiliations are their common ground, there are the
" Democratic Headquarters of the Eighteenth Ward," etc. As
shown above, the " club-room " is furnished with tables, usually
polished and cleaned, with from two to six chairs at each table.
As you step in, you find a few men standing at the bar, a few
drinking, and farther back men are seated about the tables,
reading, playing cards, eating, and discussing, over a glass
of beer, subjects varying from the political and sociological
problems of the day to the sporting news and the lighter chat
of the immediate neighborhood. Untrammeled by rules and
294 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
restrictions, it surpasses in spirit the organized club. That gen-
eral atmosphere of freedom, that spirit of democracy, which men
crave, is here realized ; that men seek it and that the saloon
tries to cultivate it is blazoned forth in such titles as " The
Freedom," "The Social," "The Club," etc. Here men "shake
out their hearts together." Intercourse quickens the thought,
feeling, and action.
In many of these discussions, to which I have listened and
in which I have joined, there has been revealed a deeper insight
into the real cause of present evils than is often manifested from
lecture platforms, but their remedies are wide of the mark, each
bringing forward a theory which is the panacea for all social
ills. The names of Karl Marx and leaders of political and
social thought are often heard here. This is the workingman's
school. He is both scholar and teacher. The problems of
national welfare are solved here. Many as patriotic men as our
country produces learn here their lessons in patriotism and
brotherhood. Here the masses receive their lessons in civil
government, learning less of our ideals, but more of the prac-
tical workings than the public schools teach. It is the most
cosmopolitan institution in the most cosmopolitan of cities.
One saloon advertises its cosmopolitanism by this title, "Every-
body's Exchange." Men of all nationalities meet and mingle,
and by the interchange of views and opinions their own are
modified. Nothing short of travel could exert so broadening
an influence upon these men. It does much to assimilate the
heterogeneous crowds that are constantly pouring into our
city from foreign shores. But here, too, they learn their
lessons in corruption and vice. It is their school for good
and evil.
The saloonkeeper, usually a man their superior in intelli-
gence, often directs their thought. He has in his possession the
latest political and sporting news. Here in argument each has
fair play. He who can win and tell the best story is, not by
election, but by virtue of fitness, the leader. The saloon is, in
short, the clearing-house for the common intelligence—the
social and intellectual center of the neighborhood.
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 295
Again, some saloons offer rooms furnished, heated, and lighted,
free to certain men's clubs and organizations. For example, a
certain German musical society, occupying one of these rooms,
fully compensates the saloonkeeper with the money that passes
over the bar as the members go in and out of the club-room.
In like manner some trade unions and fraternal organizations
are supplied with meeting-places. A saloon on Armitage ave-
nue has a bowling-alley, billiard tables, and club-rooms, in which
nonpartisan political meetings were held during last spring's
campaign. It is also offered to the people for various neighbor-
hood meetings. In such a room a gay wedding party celebrated
the marriage vow. It is, in very truth, a part of the life of the
people of this district.
But the young man, where does he spend his evenings ? Leav-
ing the supper table he takes his hat and sets out from home, to
go where? Let us follow the boy in the crowded districts—in the
river wards of Chicago. As he comes out of the house into the
street he is surrounded for miles with brick and mortar; not a
blade of grass or a leaf of green to be seen. Placing his fingers
to his mouth he gives a shrill whistle, which is answered by one
and another of the boys, till the little crowd — their club — has
gathered. Seeking to join informally such a crowd of the older
young men, the only question asked on eligibility was : "Can
you run?" Short words, but of tremendous significance. It is
this : As soon as a small crowd of boys collects it is dis-
persed by the police. Having been arrested once or twice,
these young men learned the lesson, and I was told "to
scatter" at the word "jiggers," the warning note given at
the sight of an approaching " cop." Driven about the streets
like dogs by the civil authorities (whether it be necessary
I am not now discussing); provided with no place for the
healthy exercise of their physical natures, or even an oppor-
tunity to meet and tell stories, they have recourse to but
one of two alternatives: to dodge the police, hiding in under-
ground caves and under sidewalks until they become hardened
against the law; or to enter the places the saloon has provided
for them.
296 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
Thus again business interests have seized the opportunity
that has been let slip, and have taken advantage of boys' necessi-
ties. Rooms, well lighted, furnished with billiard and pool
tables, tables for cards and other games, are placed at the dis-
posal of these boys. Five cents is charged for a game of bil-
liards and a check which entitles the holder to a glass of beer, a
five-cent cigar, a box of cigarettes, or a soft drink. The table
shows 27 per cent, of these saloons thus equipped. Much less
numerous are the saloons furnishing handball courts. These
courts, models of attractiveness when compared with the neigh-
borhood in which they are located, are used by young and old.
Shower-baths are provided free. The boys must pass out by
the bar of the adjoining saloon, where, heated by the game and
feeling somewhat under obligations, they patronize the saloon-
keeper. Some saloons have gymnasiums, more or less fully
equipped. Bowling-alleys and shuffle-board are among the
attractions offered.
For the large floating population of these districts, and for
the thousands of men whose only home is in the street or the
cheap lodging-house, where they are herded together like cattle,
the saloon is practically the basis of food supply. The table
shows that 68 per cent, furnish free lunches, and 15 per cent,
business lunches. On the free-lunch counters are dishes con-
taining bread, several kinds of meats, vegetables, cheeses, etc.,
to which the men freely help themselves. Red-hots (Frank-
furters), clams, and egg sandwiches are dispensed with equal
freedom to those who drink and to those who do not. For those
desiring a hot lunch, clam chowder, hot potatoes, several kinds
of meat, and vegetables are served at tables, nearly always with
a glass of beer. The following amount is consumed per day in
a saloon near here: 150-200 pounds of meat, iJ^-2 bushels of
potatoes, 50 loaves of bread, 35 pounds of beans, 45 dozens of
eggs on some days (eggs not usually being used), 10 dozen ears
of sweet corn, $1.50—$2 worth of vegetables. Five men are con-
stantly employed at the lunch counter. The total cost of the
lunch is $30 to $40 per day.
That the saloons are able to put out such an abundance, and
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 297
of such variety and quality, is due to the competition of the large
brewing companies. These companies own a very large number
of the saloons in Chicago. Thus the cost of not only the beer,
but the meat, bread, and vegetables, bought in vast quantities, is
greatly reduced. Only a portion of those who drink patronize
the lunch counter. The small dealers are forced into the com-
petition by the larger ones. The general appearance of abun-
dance, so lacking either in their homes or in the cheap
restaurants, and the absence of any sense of charity, so distaste-
ful to the self-respecting man, add to the attractiveness of the
place, and are a wonderful help to the digestion. Here the hun-
gry and the penniless find relief for the time, few being turned
away until they become "steady regulars." I believe it is
true that all the charity organizations in Chicago combined are
feeding fewer people than the saloons. No questions are asked
about the "deserving poor;" no "work test" is applied; and
again and again relief is given in the shape of money, "loaned
expecting no return."
Another function of the Charity Organization Society the
saloon has taken unto itself and exercises more or less perfectly:
the laboring man out of employment knows that in some saloon
he is likely to find, not only temporary relief, but assistance in
finding work. That these saloons pose as labor bureaus is evi-
denced by the names placed above their doors. The sig-
nificance of these names is this: Men of the same trade,
having common interests, make the saloon that represents their
interests their rendezvous. To the "Stonecutters' Exchange,"
for example, men seeking stonecutters often apply. But
information concerning positions is dependent more upon that
gathered by the men themselves and made common prop-
erty. Many a man has been "put on his feet" by just this
kind of help, nor does he feel that he is accepting charity, but
that he is as likely to give as to receive. He is asked neither
his age nor his pedigree. His past history is not desired as long
as he is in need now. Not a sense of obligation, but a real feel-
ing of brotherhood ; and this feeling, existing among these men to
a degree not usually recognized, prompts them to aid each other.
298 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
Grateful is he to the saloon that was his "friend in need;" bitter
toward those who, without offering anything better, propose to
take from him the only institution that has befriended him.
Scattered throughout the city, within easy reach of any
neighborhood, are saloons offering a form of entertainment to
the people not unlike the cheap vaudeville. Passing back of the
screen, we enter a large room filled with tables and chairs; at
the end of the room is a stage. While men and women sit
around these tables, drinking beer and smoking, the painted,
bawdy girls entertain them with the latest popular songs and the
skirt dance. The regular vaudeville bill, including the comic
man, acrobatic feats, cake-walks, etc., is presented. The char-
acter of the entertainment is but a reflection of the character of
the neighborhood. In some communities no obscene word is
uttered, and but little that is suggestive of evil is presented. It
affords an opportunity for the hard-worked men and women to
escape from their stuffy homes and thoughts of poverty into a
clean, well-lighted room, where with their families they can
enjoy an evening of pleasure. To see the hardened, careworn
expressions on their faces gradually relax and melt away into
expressions of simple enjoyment, as they laugh heartily at the
jokes, might at first arouse one's sense of humor, but it would
soon impress one deeply with the pathos of it all: with the
thought that this little entertainment, cheap and vulgar as it
is, seems to satisfy their longing for amusement. Patriotic
songs are never missing, and I have heard them join heartily in
the chorus. Cheer after cheer greets the names of our heroes,
as they appear in the songs of the girls. The sense of the
masses on the Cuban war policy could easily be determined by
their applause and hisses at the saloon vaudevilles. These
people have a sense of honor peculiar to themselves, and a careful
observation of that which most frequently elicits their applause
shows that an appeal to their sense of honor is sure to be well
received. In ----------'s vaudeville saloon it is estimated that
3,000 pass in and out between the hours of 8 p. m. and 6 A. m.
Saturday nights. As has been stated, the character of these
saloons varies with the neighborhood, and vulgar songs are
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 299
frequently sung. The evil influence of some of these cannot be
overestimated. Then too prostitutes often come here and
mingle with the crowd.
A function, which should rightly be a civic one, the saloon
has appropriated, and added to the long list of the necessities
to which it ministers — that of furnishing to the people the only
toilet conveniences in large sections of the city. In this respect
the ordinary hotel is not better equipped than are the saloons.
Moreover, either by their clerks or by signs, the hotels inform
the man who habitually takes advantage of them that they are
not for the use of the general public. We are behind European
municipalities in this respect, and Chicago is especially deficient.
Here is a field awaiting the efforts of some public-spirited man,
a service by no means small, and one that would directly affect
the liquor interests. Not that it will cause any man to cease
drinking, but that it will remove a temptation from thousands
of men who, of necessity, daily pass the bar which they feel
under obligation to patronize. Nor will it longer necessitate the
familiarizing of little boys with the evils of saloon life. Such
are a few of the attractions which the saloon in the workingmen's
district offers to its patrons.
While it is true that a vast army of the laboring men and
boys of Chicago find the saloon the best place in their neighbor-
hood for the development of their social, intellectual, and physical
natures, they find there also things which appeal to their lower
natures. Almost without exception the saloons exhibit pictures
of the nude; in the higher-class saloons by costly paintings, in
the smaller saloons by cards furnished by the brewing companies.
As the saloon is "no respecter of persons/' even in the best of
them vile persons find entrance. That the youths are here
corrupted is too well known. Our table reveals the appalling
fact that 34% per cent, of the saloons in this district are stall
saloons. These saloons have set aside a large portion of the
back of the building for private " wine-rooms," which, whether
designed for this purpose or not, are used by prostitutes as places
of assignation. There may be no definite business agreement
between these women and the keepers of these saloons (I doubt
300 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
if there is), but as a rule the saloonkeepers are compensated
for the extra space and furniture by the money paid for drinks
by young men attracted by these women. To set up the drinks
to "the girls" is a custom; the women calling for "small beer"
urge the men "to set 'em up " again and again; hence they are
a source of revenue to the saloon. Their part in the profit is
this: it furnishes them a suitable "hang-out," a place where
they may secure customers for their inhuman trade, carried on,
not in the saloon as a rule, but in their rooms, usually in the
immediate vicinity, though occasionally miles away, lest they
should be detected.
Again, as all through this study, exceptions must be made.
These "wine-rooms" are not always used for illegitimate pur-
poses. ,Where is the respectable young woman, who is but one
member of a large family, all living, or rather existing, in a single
room which serves as kitchen, dining-room, parlor, and bedroom
for the entire family, to receive her young men friends ? Is it
strange that she takes advantage of these "wine-rooms " ? Here
her father goes ; her mother and brothers are often there. They
come here on cold nights to save fuel and light. Here, when a
little tot, she used to come for the pitcher of beer; here, bare-
footed and dirty, she would run to hear the music of the German
band ; if she were pretty and could sing, many a bright ribbon
did she buy with the money earned here. No, they are not all
directly evil places, but the temptation is tremendous. How
can a child, brought up in such a locality, forced to receive from
the saloon even the common necessities and conveniences of life,
grow up into noble and beautiful womanhood ?
In about 2 per cent, of these saloons gambling is per-
mitted. It is open and unrestricted, whenever sufficient "hush
money" is paid. That more do not exist is simply due to
the fact that the demand is not great enough for a larger num-
ber to thrive and pay the exorbitant "tax." The saloon, too,
is in a very small number of cases, many times smaller than
is usually believed, a rendezvous for criminals. There are low
dives of indescribable fllthiness, where vice is open and shame-
less.
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO ZOl
Be it known, however, that there are in every neighborhood
saloons free from any connection whatever with gambling or the
social vice—places where indecency in conversation or manner is
strictly prohibited, and drinking to excess not allowed. This is
sometimes to secure " a better class of trade," and sometimes,
incredible as it seems, to accord with certain principles and
religious scruples of the saloonkeepers, who are not all archfiends
of the evil one.
THE SALOON IN BUSINESS SECTIONS.
The saloon in business portions presents a slightly different
phase. While it is true that saloons in all parts of the city have
about the same features, it is also true that in some certain
features predominate, as the peculiar conditions emphasize
that particular demand. Thus in the workingmen's district,
the wretched conditions of home- and lodging-house life, and
the failure of church and philanthropy to provide opportunity
for social life, have turned over to the saloon this large
field, from which it is reaping an abundant harvest. So in
the business portions the lack of an adequate provision of
places for business appointments has given the saloon an advan-
tage which it was quick to take. Men who spend the day in
the heart of the city come here for business and do not, as a
rule, have time to sit around in saloons. Neither in the evening
have the social features any special attraction for them. The
majority of these men find in their homes and in the clubs to
which they belong ample opportunity for social life. A larger
per cent, than in the districts just treated enter the saloon just
for the drink and pass out again.
The average business-man, aside from the regular duties of
his office or place of business, has many appointments of a semi-
business nature. Seeking a place for these appointments, other
than his office, where constant interruptions must occur, he finds
in many a first-class saloon a place altogether suited to this pur-
pose. Here he may sit down, often in an alcove, at one of
the polished oak tables with which this " drawing-room " is fur-
nished, and discuss business at leisure. Some of these " drawing-
rooms " are veritable palm gardens; costly paintings hang upon
302 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
the walls ; German orchestras, playing with exquisite taste, fill the
air with music. Soft drinks are sold, and many an hour is spent
in these places by those who may not know the taste of beer. In
this connection it may be noted that soft drinks are expensive,
because, as one manager said, "we are not here to sell soft drinks,
and hope to force everyone to take beer or wine; there is more
profit in them."
Not only are these used for business appointments, but sepa-
rate rooms are sometimes furnished for the use of committees
and small meetings of various character, no charge for their use
being attached. There are in the city other places than the
saloon for such appointments, but because of their scarcity and
inadequacy need hardly be taken into account. Many business
transactions take place in these saloons. The head of a depart-
ment in one of Chicago's large wholesale houses assures me that
certain of their best salesmen sell a large portion of their goods
"over a glass of beer" in a neighboring saloon. The glass of
beer in a business transaction has a function similar to that of
the cigarette in diplomacy. Certain saloons, whose only distin-
guishing feature is their oddity and the novelities they present,
owe their existence to a custom of long standing among wholesale
merchants and others who take their "country cousins" to "see
the sights." The music in some of these places is worthy of
special mention. Orchestras, led by well-known musicians,
attract people from ail parts of city, people who come and spend
the evening listening to the music. To the--------------and-------
-------young people come in great numbers, and when the theaters
close these places usually fill rapidly. Clubs and fraternities here
banquet their new members. Neither rowdyism nor anything
other than good manners is public here.
The most distinguishing feature of the down-town saloon is
the business lunch. But very few of the thousands who spend
the day down town in offices or behind counters, live within
several miles of their work. This means that it is both cheaper
and more convenient, if not necessary, to get their lunch near
their place of business. The liquor dealers have found it
highly profitable to run restaurants in connection with their
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 3°3
saloons. Because of their neatness, and at least the semblance
of elegance and beauty, and of the music, which is of itself a
strong inducement, they are patronized, not only by those who
drink, but by hundreds who are willing to go where they can get
the best for the least. The proprietor of one of the down-town
restaurants said that he could afford to lose $30 to $75, or even
$100, a day for the sake of advertising the beer under whose name
and auspices his place was run.
That the saloons are able to compete with the restaurants so
successfully is partly due to the fact that many of them are
united under the control of the brewing companies — gigantic
monopolies. Likewise, here the free lunch is well patronized.
Hundreds, who breakfast and dine at their homes, especially
those of sedentary habits, find sufficient for the midday lunch
in that served with the glass of beer, usually several slices of
cold meats, an abundance of bread, vegetables, cheeses, etc.
Here, as everywhere in Chicago, the social vice flourishes in
connection with the liquor traffic. Here the proportion of the
saloons in which the stall system is in vogue—which are used
as houses of assignation — is relatively small. The saloons
having any connection whatever with this evil all have a dance
hall in the rear and a house of ill-fame above, all under one
management. These, however, are not scattered throughout
among the business blocks, as are the stalls in the workingmen's
districts, but are clustered about certain streets, principally parts
of Clark street, State street, Dearborn street, Custom House
place, Wabash avenue, Plymouth place, and others. Suffice it
to say that few enter these places who do not know the character
of these saloons, so that in reality they amount to houses of ill-
fame, with bar attachment.
THE SALOON IN SUBURBAN DISTRICTS.
In the suburban districts the saloon takes on still another
character. The family saloon, the beer-garden, and the road-
house are more in evidence. Throughout the entire city the
saloons pose as family saloons, hanging out the sign '• family
entrance," but it is more particularly in the suburban saloons
304 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
that one sees the families sitting together in groups. The main
thoroughfare running through a suburban district is, so far as the
saloon is concerned, a cross-section of the whole city, exhibit-
ing the saloon in all its varying characters, both as to its moral
tone and as to its social functions. The most delightful and
apparently harmless feature of the saloon is the beer-garden
Here is an instance where the words "saloon" and "beer-gar-
den " are so loaded down with conflicting meanings and pre-
judices that they utterly fail to be of further service in conveying
thought. To the German the word " beer-garden " carries with
it no moral idea whatever ; indeed, among them it is a highly cred-
itable feature of their social life. To the temperance enthusiast it
stands for all that is base and low — an equally erroneous con-
viction. These gardens are numerous in the suburban districts.
The----------, a typical German beer-garden, though scarcely
comparable with the----------,z accommodates 4,700. During the
summer an average of 3,000 gather at the ----------, on the north
side, every day, principally for the music. From a band-stand in
the rear of the garden an orchestra renders exquisite music. This
orchestra receives $125 per day for its services from 6 p. m. to
11 p. m. The waiters, most of them fine-appearing elderly
gentlemen, dressed in black, serve beer, wines, and soft drinks
to the people out in the open, while at tables beneath the roof
dinners are being served. The garden is brilliantly lighted with
Japanese lanterns hanging from the trees. The lights, the trees,
the starry heavens above, the moon gliding now and then
behind the clouds, soul-stirring music, now strong and full, now
soft and sweet, make this a charming spot where lovers delight
to come, where the business-man, returned from the crowded
1 When Hyde Park became a local option district, the --------- beer-garden,
the
most magnificent in Chicago, was flourishing near Washington Park. After a
period,
during which only soft drinks were sold, its owners, the---------Brewing Co.,
deter-
mined to turn this resort into a club, under the
title-----------------------------------.
About four thousand certificates of membership were scattered all over the
district.
After a short but decisive fight with the Hyde Park Protective Association, the
resort
again became a beer-garden, without any beer, but still retaining its name and
other
attractive features. Thus it is at present, of necessity, a most excellent
substitute.
[Later, by a subterfuge, it has obtained a liquor license, and is a popular
resort.—
Eds.]
THE SALOON IN CHICAGO 305
centers of the city, comes with wife and child, and the business
cares float gradually away, borne on the lighter strains of music.
Old men with their pipes find in this place a never-ending
source of pleasure, and will sit by the hour philosophizing and
reminiscencing over a single glass of beer. The people gath-
ered here are in the main well-dressed and of more than the
average intelligence. They are representative of the middle and
upper classes of the suburban districts.
A young woman of strong temperance views exclaimed,
after spending an hour in this garden for the first time: " Isn't it
beautiful ? Can it be, is it possible, that after all our ideas are
wrong and these people are right ?" It is not for our report to
judge, but this is true that, while drinking to excess is seldom
known here, a certain proportion of the patrons acquire in these
beautiful and apparently harmless surroundings the progressive
appetite which, with men of some temperaments, means the whole
sad story of the ruined home and the drunkard's grave. Too much
importance can scarcely be attached to the music rendered in
some of these resorts. It is of the first quality and to be had every
night for the nominal fee of So.25. People, many of whom do
not drink at all, gather here from far and near. The gardens
draw their patronage mostly from those who own comfortable
homes in the suburbs.
There are, of course, beer-gardens of all grades and qualities,
but those for the poorer classes, the ten-cent and free gardens, are
mostly in the form of open-air vaudevilles. In these the music
is inferior, and the vaudeville bill, similar to that mentioned in a
previous paragraph, is presented. They are much more numer-
ous here than are the saloon vaudevilles of the city centers, and
here no roof is necessary to keep out the smoke and dirt.
A unique feature of the suburban districts is the road-house.
Buildings, interesting in their exterior architecture and well
equipped within, are located along the road to the suburban dis-
tricts. They are especially adapted to wheelmen and other
pleasure-seekers wishing to stop for rest and refreshment.
As a general rule, funeral processions returning from the
cemeteries that lie along the road to these suburban districts
306 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
stop here for beer and refreshments. Drivers stop at the particu
lar house of which they are regular customers, and the majority
of the people in the procession stop and drink also.
An example of these is the---------------, one of the many on
the road between Chicago and Evanston. There are accommo-
dations for wheels and carriages. A large room is furnished
with tables and chairs, and either a glass of beer and light lunch
or a dinner is served. Palms figure here as usual in the decora-
tions. The bar-room is large and attractive. Above are rooms
"free for private parties, balls, etc."
The adaptability of the saloon to the needs of a particular
locality is a source of constant surprise and admiration, as it is
also a cause of genuine consternation among Christian people
who reflect at all upon the cautious institutionalism of the
churches.
Royal L. Melendy
Chicago Commons.
[To be continued.]
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